In this paper, I discuss the distribution of bare singular indefinite nominals in Russian.I argue that these nominal phrases are full-fledged indefinites and can have both specific and non-specific indefinite interpretations.However, their appearance in the preverbal subject Vibration Dampers position is not common.I argue in this paper that this restriction exists because a specific interpretation, or, in other words, a referential reading, required for this position cannot be unambiguously established with BSgs without any additional sentential specification.Additionally, I discuss some consequences of my proposal, such as BSg subjects of Groomsmen Accessory individual-level predicates, and BSg subjects in thetic judgments.